France remains the nexus of the asylum policy debate within the European Union framework as the volume of asylum claims continues to roll in to record levels and strain the administrative capacity to cope with the situation and the commitment to the international regimes and standards on the matter. Despite the trend for 2024 showing a slight decrease compared to the previous one, the pressures on the asylum system continue to be high.
Why do asylum applications in France remain so high?
There were 157,947 requests for asylum in 2024, which is a slight reduction from 167,432 in 2023, though much larger than the average of less than 80,000 per year before 2015. It is currently one of the three main countries of first asylum within the EU, alongside Germany and Spain.
The pressure has not let up throughout 2025. Data for each month show that there has been a resurgence of the upward trend, as evidenced by the number of 10,490 applications in September 2025 alone.
Applications for asylum were mainly fueled by the presence of applicant populations from Afghanistan, Bangladesh, and Georgia, owing to security concerns, repressive regimes, economic collapses, and the effects of climate change displacements. In totality, these aspects and others make France the focal or transit country through which mixed migratory circuits involving asylum, labor, and further migration within the European Union are established.
Is France approving more asylum claims than before?
Acceptance rates are up as well, exacerbating reception capacity. The number of positive decisions in the first instance increased in the third quarter of 2024 to a ten-year high of 13,455, as shown in the statistical information from the Office Français de Protection des Réfugiés et Apatrides (OFPRA).
This rise is the result of greater protection requirements for some nationalities as well as the initiatives undertaken by OFPRA to eliminate the backlog. Nevertheless, quicker decisions have not improved the integration process. The lack of accommodation, overloaded social services, and delayed employment does so too for recognized refugees, especially the urban areas of Paris, Lyon, and Marseille.
Can OFPRA and local authorities cope with the workload?
France’s asylum infrastructure is under constant operational stress. The caseload is increasing for OFPRA and the National Court of Asylum, CNDA, while reception centres are almost systematically saturated. At the end of 2024, more than 60% of asylum seekers were housed outside the dedicated reception system, often in emergency shelters or in an informal housing network.
The issue of the delay in the processing of decisions remains an enduring problem. While there has been a reduction in the average length of time for first-instance decisions compared to the situation in 2022, appeals remain a bottleneck in the system, as there are tens of thousands of such appeals pending at the CNDA.
How is migration reshaping French politics?
Asylum policy is a key political cleavage. Security, integration, and national identity are increasingly associated with migration issues that feature large in pre-election campaigns and legislative party politics, reflecting broader electoral politics.Hard-line asylum policies have been advocated by right-wing parties, while non-governmental bodies have highlighted the importance of preserving asylum seeker rights.
This is why France is heading for huge political change. Mass migration, especially from the Islamic world, has been a disaster for France and has made it the most dangerous country in Western Europe today. https://t.co/0Dih0JBU5N
— Nile Gardiner (@NileGardiner) June 29, 2024
The survey conducted towards the end of 2024 revealed that over 60 percent of the surveyed population of France felt that the country was taking in “too many migrants” despite the fact that there were shortages of manpower in the areas of construction, healthcare, agriculture, and the hotel industry.
What reforms is the French government proposing?
The government plans to introduce a new immigration law in early 2025, building on the controversial legislation adopted in 2024. Proposed measures include:
- Extending administrative detention for undocumented migrants deemed “dangerous” from 90 to 210 days
- Tightening family reunification conditions
- Accelerating deportations of rejected asylum seekers
- Expanding powers for prefects in migration enforcement
Why is France uneasy about EU migration plans?
At an EU level, there are some reservations about EU Parliament-supported plans that make it easier for “safe third country” removals to take place. This is due to a possible conflict between these plans and the principle of personal examination of asylum applications set out within the preamble of the French constitution.
Lawyers point to the risk of disputes being provoked during the implementation process at the Conseil d’État, as this could jeopardize bilateral agreements such as the UK and France’s Channel migrants deal, where asylum seekers are allowed to be returned across the Channel.
Is Calais still a pressure point?
Calais has remained at the heart of the migration crises. As part of the agreement between the UK and French governments, France takes in legal migrants in return for making it easier for some migrants attempting to cross the Channel to return. It has been criticized as disproportionately loading French reception structures with migrants with no mechanism to prevent deadly crossings.
This is despite increased police presence and resources devoted to thwarting these attempted migration routes.
Can labour needs and asylum policy be reconciled?
There is a paradox for France because while it is hardening its asylum regime, it is considering selective regularization. In 2024, it is estimated that between 300,000 and 400,000 people were working in France that did not have valid paperwork.
The government’s position is that ‘targeted regularisation can be a way of encouraging economic growth while still being extremely tough on irregular migration.’ Trade unions believe that all this means ‘weak rights are still a recipe for exploitation.’
